All Papers

Cynthia Enloe

In this brand new radical analysis of globalization, Cynthia Enloe examines recent events—Bangladeshi garment factory deaths, domestic workers in the Persian Gulf, Chinese global tourists, and the UN gender politics of guns—to reveal the crucial role of women in international politics today. With all new and updated chapters, Enloe describes how many women's seemingly personal strategies—in their marriages, in their housework, in their coping with ideals of beauty—are, in reality, the stuff of global politics. Enloe offers a feminist gender analysis of the global politics of both masculinities and femininities, dismantles an apparently overwhelming world system, and reveals that system to be much more fragile and open to change than we think.

Liang-Chia Chen, Emdadul Huq, Stan D’Souza

Conclusive evidence was provided in an earlier study by the authors of higher female than male mortality from shortly after birth through the childbearing ages in a rural area of Bangladesh.' Male mortality exceeded female mortality in the neonatal period, but this differential was reversed in the postneonatal period. Higher female than male mortality continued through childhood into adolescence and extended through the reproductive ages. The most marked differences were observed in the 1-4-year age group, where female mortality exceeded male mortality by as much as 50 percent. The higher male mortality rate during the neonatal period is consistent with evidence from many societies that the biological risk of death is higher among male children than among female children.2 The reversal of the sex differential of mortality, markedly so during childhood and persisting through adolescence, was postulated to be reflective of sex-biased health- and nutritionrelated behavior favoring male children. Son preference in parental care, intrafamily food distribution, feeding practices, and utilization of health services are some of the behavioral mechanisms by which sex-biased attitudes may have led to the observed mortality pattern. The purpose of this study is to examine the validity of this hypothesis. To do so, a framework is presented in which the mechanisms through which sex-biased attitudes and practices might operate to affect health, nutrition, and mortality are postulated. In-depth empirical data are presented from rural Bangladesh to examine the validity of the hypothesis that sex-biased health and nutrition behavior discriminates against female children, thereby causing an aberrant female predominance in the childhood mortality rate. The paper concludes by discussing policy and program implications associated with these findings.

Agnes Quisumbing, John A. Maluccio

Abstract We test the unitary versus collective model of the household using specially designed data from Bangladesh, Ethiopia, Indonesia, and South Africa. Human capital and individual assets at the time of marriage are used as proxy measures for bargaining power. In all four countries, we reject the unitary model as a description of household behaviour, but fail to reject the hypothesis that households are Pareto‐efficient. In Bangladesh and South Africa, women's assets increase expenditure shares on education, while in Ethiopia it is men's assets that have this effect. These increases have different implications for boys and girls across countries, however.

Erica Field, Attila Ambrus

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Siwan Anderson, Mukesh Eswaran

Crises, poverty and gender inequality - current themes and issues, Shelley Feldman from survival strategies to transformation strategies - women's needs and structural adjustment, Diane Elson women and the economic crisis in the Caribbean, Helen I. Safa and Peggy Antrobus the Mexican debit crisis - restructuring the economy and the household, Lourdes Beneria crisis, Islam and gender in Bangladesh - the social construction of a female labour force, S. Feldman the politics of Bolivia's economic crisis - survival strategies of displaced tin-mining households, Wendy McFarren the impact of crisis and economic reform on women in urban Tanzania, Aili Mari Tripp gender relations and food security - coping with seasonality, drought and famine in South Asia, Bina Agarwal women's work and household strategies in times of economic crisis, Chiara Saraceno economic crisis and women in Nicaragua - adjustments and transformation, Paola Perez Aleman.

Sidney Ruth Schuler, Syed Hashemi

This article presents findings of research addressing the question of how women's status affects fertility. The effects on contraceptive use of women's participation in rural credit programs and on their status or level of empowerment were examined. A woman's level of empowerment is defined here as a function of her relative physical mobility, economic security, ability to make various purchases on her own, freedom from domination and violence within her family, political and legal awareness, and participation in public protests and political campaigning. The main finding is that participation in both of the credit programs studied, those of Grameen Bank and Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC), is positively associated with women's level of empowerment. A positive effect on contraceptive use is discernible among both participants and nonparticipants in Grameen Bank villages. Participation in BRAC does not appear to affect contraceptive use.

Abeda Sultana

Patriarchy is the prime obstacle to women’s advancement and development. Despite differences in levels of domination the broad principles remain the same, i.e. men are in control. The nature of this control may differ. So it is necessary to understand the system, which keeps women dominated and subordinate, and to unravel its workings in order to work for women’s development in a systematic way. In the modern world where women go ahead by their merit, patriarchy there creates obstacles for women to go forward in society. Because patriarchal institutions and social relations are responsible for the inferior or secondary status of women. Patriarchal society gives absolute priority to men and to some extent limits women’s human rights also. Patriarchy refers to the male domination both in public and private spheres. In this way, feminists use the term ‘patriarchy’ to describe the power relationship between men and women as well as to find out the root cause of women’s subordination. This article, hence, is an attempt to analyse the concept of patriarchy and women’s subordination in a theoretical perspective.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/afj.v4i0.12929 The Arts Faculty Journal Vol.4 July 2010-June 2011 pp.1-18

Mead Cain

From the perspective of parents in many parts of the developing world, high fertility and large numbers of surviving children may be economically rational propositions. An important consideration with respect to the micro implications of high fertility is the economic roles and productive contributions of children during the period when they are members of their parents' household and their output is controlled by parents. Preliminary findings from ongoing research in the village of Char Gopalpur in Bangladesh provide a basis for analyzing the work contribution of children to their parents' household. The results suggest that in this village, male children may become inet producers as early as age 12, compensate for their ownl cumulative conisumption by age 15, and compensate for their own and one sister's cumulative consumption by age 22. Char Gopalpur is a village in north-central Bangladesh located near the east bank of the Old Brahmaputra River. The village was selected as a study site because in terms of its economy, ecology, population density, and high fertility, it seemed not atypical of the country.1 The village had a population of 2,043 in 1976, living in 343 households, according to the census conducted at the beginning of this research. Given the land area of 312 hectares, the population density is about 6.6 persons per hectare. The age structure reflects recent high rates of population growth: almost 50 percent of the villagers are less than 15 years old. As is true for mnost of rural Bangladesh, the village depends on rice

Agnes Quisumbing, John A. Maluccio, Quisumbing, Agnes R., Maluccio, John A.

The paper reviews recent theory and empirical evidence testing unitary versus collective models of the household. In contrast to the unitary model, the collective model posits that individuals within households have different preferences and do not pool their income. Moreover, the collective model predicts that intrahousehold allocations reflect differences in preferences and "bargaining power" of individuals within the household. Using new household data sets from Bangladesh, Indonesia, Ethiopia, and South Africa, we present measures of individual characteristics that are highly correlated with bargaining power, namely human capital and individually-controlled assets, evaluated at the time of marriage. In all country case studies we reject the unitary model as a description of household behavior, but to different degrees. Results suggest that assets controlled by women have a positive and significant effect on expenditure allocations toward the next generation, such as education and children's clothing. We also examine individual-level education outcomes and find that parents do not have identical preferences toward sons and daughters within or across countries.

Kaivan Munshi, Jacques Myaux

Naila Kabeer

This article examines the implications of women's access to income‐earning opportunities for their position in intra‐household relationships. For those who believe that such relationships are egalitarian, this issue may not appear relevant; for others, however, there is a divergence of views between those who offer an optimistic analysis of the effects of earning power for women's status, and those who provide a more pessimistic prognosis. In exploring this issue, the article makes use of first‐hand accounts of women workers in the recently emergent export‐oriented garment factories in Bangladesh, both in order to evaluate the ‘fit’ with theoretical insights of intra‐household relations from the social science literature, and to assess what the ‘everyday lived realities’ described by the women workers tell us about the workings of power within family‐based households in urban Bangladesh.

Deborah Balk

This paper examines the relationship between women's status and fertility in two regions of rural Bangladesh. Based on individual and household-level survey data, women's status is measured through four constructs. The covariates of these four aspects of women's status vary considerably and confirm the view that women's status is conceptually and operationally complex. For all aspects, however, variation between villages accounts for the largest share of explainable variance. Proxy measures of status do not provide uniform relationships with all facets of status. Further, the paper shows that women's status is an important determinant of fertility; of the variance in total children ever born that can be explained by factors other than age, nearly 30 per cent is due to direct measures of women's status; this is as much as can be explained by all other socio-economic variables combined. Thus, models of fertility that rely solely on proxy measures of women's status will be underspecified. In addition, measurement of women's status that does not account for the bias that women's status and fertility are simultaneously determined in patriarchal societies will misstate the direction, and underestimate the effects, of status on fertility. Lastly, different dimensions of women's status influence fertility differently – in terms of magnitude, direction and statistical significance.

Stan D’Souza, Liang-Chia Chen

This study provides conclusive documentation of higher female than male mortality from shortly after birth through the childbearing ages in a rural area of Bangladesh. The higher male mortality rates during the neonatal period are consistent with reports from developed countries; but whereas in developed countries this higher male mortality risk continues through childhood and adolescence the differential is reversed during the post-neonatal period in Bangladesh with female mortality exceeding that of males by as much as 50 percent. Son preference in parental care and feeding patterns food distribution and treatment of illness favoring male children are possible causes of such aberrant childhood mortality differences by sex. (SUMMARY IN FRE SPA)

Joseph R. Dominick, Gail E. Rauch

That women are still stereotyped despite the continuing activism of the women's liberation movement is clearly demonstrated in the following study of a sample of early 1971 network TV ads. Focusing on the advertising viewed in millions of homes during prime‐time, the authors conclude that women are most often seen as decorative (sex objects) or useful (housewives and mothers), but hardly ever as professionals or working wives. Dr. Dominick is an assistant professor in the Department of Communication Arts and Sciences of Queens University while Miss Rauch is a recent graduate of that department.

Rachel Jewkes, Emma Fulu, Tim Roselli, Claudia García‐Moreno

BACKGROUND: Rape perpetration is under-researched. In this study, we aimed to describe the prevalence of, and factors associated with, male perpetration of rape of non-partner women and of men, and the reasons for rape, from nine sites in Asia and the Pacific across six countries: Bangladesh, China, Cambodia, Indonesia, Papua New Guinea, and Sri Lanka. METHODS: In this cross-sectional study, undertaken in January 2011-December 2012, for each site we chose a multistage representative sample of households and interviewed one man aged 18-49 years from each. Men self-completed questions about rape perpetration. We present multinomial regression models of factors associated with single and multiple perpetrator rape and multivariable logistic regression models of factors associated with perpetration of male rape with population-attributable fractions. FINDINGS: We interviewed 10,178 men in our study (815-1812 per site). The prevalence of non-partner single perpetrator rape varied between 2·5% (28/1131; rural Bangladesh) and 26·6% (225/846; Bougainville, Papua New Guinea), multiple perpetrator rape between 1·4% (18/1246; urban Bangladesh) and 14·1% (119/846; Bougainville, Papua New Guinea), and male rape between 1·5% (13/880; Jayapura, Indonesia) and 7·7% (65/850; Bougainville, Papua New Guinea). 57·5% (587/1022) of men who raped a non-partner committed their first rape as teenagers. Frequent reasons for rape were sexual entitlement (666/909; 73·3%, 95% CI 70·3-76·0), seeking of entertainment (541/921; 58·7%, 55·0-62·4), and as a punishment (343/905; 37·9%, 34·5-41·4). Alcohol was a factor in 249 of 921 cases (27·0%, 95% CI 24·2-30·1). Associated factors included poverty, personal history of victimisation (especially in childhood), low empathy, alcohol misuse, masculinities emphasising heterosexual performance, dominance over women, and participation in gangs and related activities. Only 443 of 1933 men (22·9%, 95% CI 20·7-25·3) who had committed rape had ever been sent to prison for any period. INTERPRETATION: Rape perpetration committed by men is quite frequent in the general population in the countries studied, as it is in other countries where similar research has been undertaken, such as South Africa. Prevention of rape is essential, and interventions must focus on childhood and adolescence, and address culturally rooted male gender socialisation and power relations, abuse in childhood, and poverty. FUNDING: Partners for Prevention--a UN Development Programme, UN Population Fund, UN Women, and UN Volunteers regional joint programme for gender-based violence prevention in Asia and the Pacific; UN Population Fund Bangladesh and China; UN Women Cambodia and Indonesia; United Nations Development Programme in Papua New Guinea and Pacific Centre; and the Governments of Australia, the UK, Norway, and Sweden.

Russell L. Kent, S. E. MOSS

The effects of sex and gender role on self- and group perceptions of leader emergence were examined. Though women were slightly more likely to emerge as leaders than men, gender role had a stronger...

V. Spike Peterson

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Acknowledgments I am grateful to Georgina Waylen for her generosity in sharing prepublication work with me; and to Drucilla Barker, Jen Cohen, Deb Figart, Ellen Mutari, Julie Nelson, Paulette Olsen and Ara Wilson for conference discussions regarding feminist economics. Notes 1. Torry D. Dickinson & Robert K. Schaeffer, Fast Forward: Work, Gender, and Protest in a Changing World (Rowman & Littlefield, 2001), p. 23. 2. Joanne Cook & Jennifer Roberts, 'Towards a gendered political economy', in: Joanne Cook, Jennifer Roberts & Georgina Waylen (eds), Towards a Gendered Political Economy (Macmillan, 2000), p. 3. 3. Pertinent clarifications: I view 'feminist political economy' as a blend of feminist work primarily but not exclusively in economics, development studies, political economy, international relations and international political economy. My treatment here of political economy and 'new political economy' is very much shaped by my specialisation in international relations (IR) theory, my research on globalisation, and my belief that today's political economy is significantly global political economy. References in this article focus on feminist publications since 1995; for earlier work, see 'gender' articles in New Political Economy, especially Georgina Waylen, 'Gender, Feminism and Political Economy', New Political Economy, Vol. 2, No. 2 (1997), pp. 205–20, and note 8. I prefer 'global political economy' (GPE) to international political economy (IPE) in so far as it emphasises transnational dynamics and transdisciplinary analysis. In this study I characterise scholarship on gender as 'feminist' and do not engage recent claims that gender can or should be studied apolitically. I recognise that phenomena characterised as 'economic' are favoured here at the expense of more 'politically' oriented analyses; a substantial and expanding literature – especially in feminist IR – addresses the latter. For accessibility, I deploy conventional (though problematic) references to 'advanced industrialised countries', 'developing countries', 'Third World' and so on. Finally, slashes between words indicate similarity rather than contrast. 4. Review of Radical Political Economics has had seven such issues; see especially 'Feminist Political Economy', Vol. 33, No. 4 (2001). 5. V. Spike Peterson, 'On the Cut(ting) Edge', in: Frank P. Harvey & Michael Brecher (eds), Critical Perspectives in International Studies: Millennial Reflections on International Studies (University of Michigan Press, 2002), pp. 148–63; Marianne A. Ferber & Julie A. Nelson (eds), Beyond Economic Man: Feminist Theory and Economics (University of Chicago Press, 1993); and, especially, Gabrielle Meagher & Julie A. Nelson, 'Survey Article: Feminism in the Dismal Science', The Journal of Political Philosophy, Vol. 12, No. 1 (2004), pp. 102–26, and Georgina Waylen, 'You Still Don't Understand: Why Troubled Engagements Continue Between Feminists and (Critical) IPE', Review of International Studies (forthcoming). 6. Feminist interventions raise not only political/public, but personal/private issues that are 'disturbing' (from religious beliefs and sexual relations to who cleans the toilet and how value and power are masculinised). To the considerable extent that the implications are experienced as personally threatening, they generate defensiveness and resistance that shape receptivity to feminist critiques. 7. Important overviews and coverage of early critiques include: Diane Elson (ed.), Male Bias in the Development Process (Manchester University Press, 1991); Antonella Picchio, Social Reproduction (Cambridge University Press, 1992); Michèle A. Pujol, Feminism and Anti-feminism in Early Economic Thought (Edward Elgar, 1992); Ferber & Nelson, Beyond Economic Man; Isabella Bakker (ed.), The Strategic Silence: Gender and Economic Policy (Zed, 1994); Nancy Folbre, Who Pays for the Kids? (Routledge, 1994); Edith Kuiper & Jolande Sap (eds), Out of the Margin: Feminist Perspectives on Economics (Routledge, 1995); Julie A. Nelson, Feminism, Objectivity and Economics (Routledge, 1996); Ellen Mutari, Heather Boushey & William Fraher IV (eds), Gender and Political Economy: Incorporating Diversity into Theory and Policy (M. E. Sharpe, 1997); Jean Gardiner, Gender, Care and Economics (Macmillan, 1997); Cook, Roberts & Waylen, Towards a Gendered Political Economy; and Lourdes Benería, Maria Floro, Caren Grown & Martha MacDonald (eds), special issue on 'Globalization', Feminist Economics, Vol. 6, No. 3 (2000). 8. Post-1995 histories of the women/gender and development literatures include Joya Misra, 'Gender and the world-system: engaging the feminist literature on development', in: Thomas Hall (ed.), A World-systems Reader: New Perspectives on Gender, Urbanism, Cultures, Indigenous Peoples, and Ecology (Rowman & Littlefield, 2000), pp. 105–27; Shirin M. Rai, Gender and the Political Economy of Development (Polity, 2002); and Lourdes Benería, Gender, Development and Globalization: Economics as if People Mattered (Routledge 2003). 9. Esther Boserup, Women's Role in Economic Development (St. Martin's Press, 1970); Nilufer Çağatay, Diane Elson & Caren Grown (eds), special issue on 'Gender, Adjustment and Macroeconomics', World Development, Vol. 23, No. 11 (1995); Kathleen Cloud & Nancy Garrett, 'A Modest Proposal for Inclusion of Women's Household Human Capital Production in Analysis of Structural Transformation', Feminist Economics, Vol. 3, No. 1 (1997), pp. 151–77; Saskia Sassen, Globalization and its Discontents (New Press, 1998) and 'Women's Burden: Counter-geographies of Globalization and the Feminization of Survival', Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 53, No. 2 (2000), pp. 503–24; Elisabeth Prügl, The Global Construction of Gender: Home-Based Work in the Political Economy of the 20th Century (Columbia University Press, 1999); Marilyn Waring, Counting for Nothing: What Men Value and What Women are Worth, second edition (University of Toronto Press, 1999); Rhacel Salazar Parreñas, Servants of Globalization: Women, Migration and Domestic Work (Stanford University Press, 2001); Deborah M. Figart, Ellen Mutari & Marilyn Power, Living Wages, Equal Wages: Gender and Labour Market Policies in the United States (Routledge, 2002); Caren Grown, Diane Elson & Nilufer Çağatay (eds), special issue on 'Growth, Trade, Finance, and Gender Inequality', World Development, Vol. 28, No. 7 (2000); Rita Mae Kelly, Jane H. Bayes, Mary E. Hawkesworth & Brigitte Young (eds), Gender, Globalization, & Democratization (Rowman & Littlefield, 2001); Susan Himmelweit, 'Making Visible the Hidden Economy: The Case for Gender-impact Analysis of Economic Policy', Feminist Economics, Vol. 8, No.1 (2002), pp. 49–70; and Chandra Talpade Mohanty, Feminism Without Borders: Decolonizing Theory, Practicing Solidarity (Duke University Press, 2003). 10. For example, in a comprehensive study, Hewitson persuasively argues that 'neoclassical economics produces femininity as that which must be excluded for it to operate'. Gillian J. Hewitson, Feminist Economics: Interrogating the Masculinity of Rational Economic Man (Edward Elgar, 1999), p. 22. 11. For recent examples, see Cecile Jackson (ed.), Men at Work: Labour, Masculinities, Development (Frank Cass, 2001); Frances Cleaver (ed.), Masculinities Matter! Men, Gender and Development (Zed, 2002); Rai, Gender and the Political Economy of Development; Benería, Gender, Development and Globalization; and Suzanne Bergeron, Fragments of Development: Nation, Gender and the Space of Modernity (University of Michigan Press, 2004). 12. Jacqui M. Alexander & Chandra T. Mohanty (eds), Feminist Genealogies, Colonial Legacies, Democratic Futures (Routledge, 1997); Uma Narayan & Sandra Harding (eds), Decentering the Center: Philosophy for a Multicultural, Postcolonial, and Feminist World (Indiana University Press, 2000); Rose Brewer, Cecilia Conrad & Mary C. King, 'The Complexities and Potential of Theorizing Gender, Caste, Race, and Class', Feminist Economics, Vol. 8, No. 2 (2002), pp. 3–17; Geeta Chowdhry & Sheila Nair (eds), Power, Postcolonialism and International Relations: Reading Race, Gender and Class (Routledge, 2002); and Mohanty, Feminism Without Borders. 13. Çağatay et al., 'Gender, Adjustment and Macroeconomics'; J. K. Gibson-Graham, The End of Capitalism (As We Knew It): A Feminist Critique of Political Economy (Blackwell, 1996); Zillah R. Eisenstein, Global Obscenities: Patriarchy, Capitalism, and the Lure of Cyberfantasy (New York Press, 1998) and Against Empire: Feminisms, Racisms, and the West (Zed, 2004); Grown et al., 'Growth, Trade, Finance, and Gender Inequality'; Marianne H. Marchand & Anne Sisson Runyan (eds), Gender and Global Restructuring: Sightings, Sites and Resistances (Routledge, 2000); Veronika Bennholdt-Thomsen, Nicholas G. Faraclas & Claudia von Werlholf (eds), There is an Alternative: Subsistence and Worldwide Resistance to Corporate Globalization (Zed, 2001); Dickinson & Schaeffer, Fast Forward; Suzanne Bergeron, 'Political Economy Discourses of Globalization and Feminist Politics', Signs, Vol. 26, No. 4 (2001), pp. 983–1006; Kelly et al., Gender, Globalization, & Democratization; Sheila Rowbotham & Stephanie Linkogle (eds), Women Resist Globalization: Mobilizing for Livelihood and Rights (Zed, 2001); Nancy Naples & Manisha Desai (eds), Women's Activism and Globalization: Linking Local Struggles and Transnational Politics (Routledge, 2002); Martha Gutierrez (ed.), Macro-Economics: Making Gender Matter – Concepts, Policies and Institutional Change in Developing Countries (Zed, 2003); and Valentine M. Moghadam, Globalizing Women: Transnational Feminist Networks (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005). 14. Drucilla K. Barker & Edith Kuiper (eds), Toward a Feminist Philosophy of Economics (Routledge, 2003). 15. As it is typically deployed, however, constructivists (on my reading) fail to address adequately the relationship between language, power and knowledge. In particular, they resist poststructuralist claims that the meaning of all words, 'things' and subjectivities is produced through/by discursive practices that are embedded in relations of power; that language produces power by constituting the codes of meaning that govern how we think, communicate and generate knowledge claims – indeed, how we understand 'reality'. Operations of power are not extricable from the power coded into our meaning systems and their social, 'material' effects. Hence, knowledge projects that presume analytical adequacy and political relevance must address the power that inheres in governing codes, which requires, I believe, the adoption of poststructuralist/postmodernist insights. For elaboration, see V. Spike Peterson, 'Transgressing Boundaries: Theories of Knowledge, Gender, and International Relations', Millennium: Journal of International Studies, Vol. 21, No. 2 (1992), pp. 183–206, and A Critical Rewriting of Global Political Economy: Integrating Reproductive, Productive, and Virtual Economies (Routledge, 2003); for a succinct defence of poststructuralism against its most frequent criticisms, see Hewitson, Feminist Economics; and for discussion of poststructuralism/postmodernism in economics, see Gibson-Graham, The End of Capitalism; Carole Biewener, 'A Postmodern Encounter', Socialist Review, Vol. 27, Nos. 1 & 2 (1999), pp. 71–96; Stephen Cullenberg, Jack Amariglio & David F. Ruccio (eds), Postmodernism, Economics and Knowledge (Routledge, 2001); Nitasha Kaul, 'The anxious identities we inhabit', in: D. Barker & E. Kuiper (eds), Toward a Feminist Philosophy of Economics (Routledge, 2003), pp. 194–210; and Eiman O. Zein-Elabdin & S. Charusheela (eds), Postcolonialism Meets Economics (Routledge, 2004). 16. Ferber & Nelson, Beyond Economic Man; Marilyn Power, 'Social Provisioning as a Starting Point for Feminist Economics', Feminist Economics, Vol. 10, No. 3 (2004), pp. 3–20; and Drucilla K. Barker & Susan F. Feiner, Liberating Economics: Feminist Perspectives on Families, Work, and Globalization (University of Michigan Press, 2004). 17. On sexualities, see M. V. Lee Badgett, 'Gender, Sexuality, and Sexual Orientation: All in the Feminist Family?', Feminist Economics, Vol. 1, No. 1 (1995), pp. 121–40; and Rosemary Hennessey, Profit and Pleasure: Sexual Identities in Late Capitalism (Routledge, 2000). 18. Poststructuralism is particularly associated with cultural studies, where cultural and literary phenomena are, appropriately, the central focus. Early poststructuralist theory necessarily highlighted discourse and culture to criticise and counteract orthodox understandings of 'reality' as pre-discursive, or independent of intersubjective meaning systems. But poststructuralism/postmodernism explicitly rejects conventional dichotomies and categorical separations in favour of relational/contextual analysis that exposes how cultural codes produce, and are produced by, material 'reality'. Moreover (see note 15), it affords critiques of how power operates that would advance the project of 'not just understanding the world but changing it.' 19. On Sen and economic rights respectively, see Bina Agarwal, Jane Humphries & Ingrid Robeyns (eds), special issue on 'Amartya Sen's Work and Ideas: A Gender Perspective', Feminist Economics, Vol. 9, No. 2/3 (2003); and Laura Parisi, Gendered Disjunctures: Globalization and Women's Rights, dissertation, University of Arizona, 2004. Microcredit loan programmes get mixed feminist reviews; see, for example, Anne Marie Goetz & Rina Sen Gupta, 'Who Takes the Credit? Gender, Power, and Control over Loan Use in Rural Credit Programs in Bangladesh', World Development, Vol. 24, No. 1 (1996), pp. 45–64; S. Charusheela, 'On History, Love, and Politics', Rethinking Marxism, Vol. 12, No. 4 (2000), pp. 45–61; Winifred Poster & Zakia Salime, 'The limits of microcredit', in: Nancy A. Naples & Manisha Desai (eds), Women's Activism and Globalization (Routledge, 2002), pp. 189–219; and Suzanne Bergeron, 'Challenging the World Bank's narrative of inclusion', in: Amitava Kumar (ed.), World Bank Literature (University of Minnesota Press, 2003), pp. 157–71. 20. For reasons of space, in this section I cite only key references not already identified herein; for elaboration of argumentation and extensive citations, see Peterson, A Critical Rewriting of Global Political Economy; and 'Getting real: the necessity of critical poststructuralism in Global Political Economy', in: Marieke de Goede (ed.), International Political Economy and Poststructural Politics (Palgrave, forthcoming). 21. Peter Drucker, 'Trading Places', The National Interest (Spring 2005), p. 103. 22. Guy Standing, Global Labour Flexibility: Seeking Distributive Justice (Macmillan, 1999); and Christa Wichterich, The Globalized Woman: Reports from a Future of Inequality (Zed, 2000). 23. Manuel Castells, The Information Age, Volume 1, The Rise of the Network Society, second edition (Blackwell, 2000). 24. Avtar Brah, Cartographies of Diaspora: Contested Identities (Routledge, 1996); Manuel Castells, The Information Age, Volume 2, The Power of Identity (Blackwell, 1997); and Sassen, Globalization and its Discontents and 'Women's Burden'. 25. See, respectively, S. Charusheela, 'Empowering work? Bargaining models reconsidered', in: Drucilla K. Barker & Edith Kuiper (eds), Toward a Feminist Philosophy of Economics (Routledge, 2003), pp. 287–303; and Naila Kabeer, 'Globalization, Labor Standards, and Women's Rights: Dilemmas of Collective (In)action in an Independent World', Feminist Economics, Vol. 10, No. 1 (2004), pp. 3–36, for problematising 'Western' claims that 'work is empowering' or that enforcing global labour standards serves the interests of export workers in poor countries. 26. Wichterich, The Globalized Woman. 27. On erosion of women's wellbeing and social capital through 'overworking' women, see David H. Ciscel & Julia A. Heath, 'To Market, To Market: Imperial Capitalism's Destruction of Social Capital and the Family, Review of Radical Political Economics, Vol. 33, No. 4 (2001), pp. 401–14; and Martha MacDonald, Shelley Phipps & Lynn Lethbridge, 'Mothers' Milk and Measures of Economic Output', Feminist Economics, Vol. 11, No. 1 (2005), pp. 63–94. For the most comprehensive analysis of the crisis of social reproduction, see Isabella Bakker & Stephen Gill (eds), Power, Production and Social Reproduction: Human In/security in the Global Political Economy (Palgrave, 2003). 28. Debates on how to theorise, define, measure and evaluate informalisation are addressed in Peterson, A Critical Rewriting of Global Political Economy, ch. 4. The underground economy has been estimated to be worth US$9 trillion (The Economist, 28 August 1999, p. 59); the value of 'housework' to be US$10–15 trillion (Mary Ann Tetreault & Ronnie D. Lipschutz, Global Politics as if People Mattered (Rowman & Littlefield, 2005), p. 25). 29. The World's Women 2000: Trends and Statistics (United Nations, 2000), pp. 120–7. 30. Jean, Pyle, 'Critical globalization studies and gender', in: Richard P. Appelbaum & William I. Robinson (eds), Critical Globalization Studies (Routledge, 2005), pp. 249–58. 31. A variety of sources provide the following estimates (in US dollars, per year) – of 'white collar crime' in the US: $200 billion; of profits from trafficking migrants: $3.5 billion; of money laundering: as much as $2.8 trillion; of tax revenue lost to the US by hiding assets offshore: $70 billion; of tax evasion costs to the US government: $195 billion. See Peterson, A Critical Rewriting of Global Political Economy, pp. 196, 201. 32. Peter Drucker, 'The Global Economy and the Nation-State', Foreign Affairs, Vol. 76, No. 5 (1997), p. 162. 33. Lourdes Benería, 'Globalization, Gender and the Davos Man', Feminist Economics, Vol. 5, No. 3 (1999), pp. 61–83; Charlotte Hooper, Manly States: Masculinities, International Relations, and Gender Politics (Columbia University Press, 2001); and Stacey Mayhall, Riding the Bull/Wrestling the Bear, dissertation, York University, 2002. 34. These claims are variously documented in Nahid Aslanbeigui & Gale Summerfield, 'The Asian Crisis, Gender, and the International Financial Architecture', Feminist Economics, Vol. 6, No. 3 (2000), pp. 81–104; Nahid Aslanbeigui & Gale Summerfield, 'Risk, Gender and the International Financial Architecture', International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society, Vol. 15, No. 1 (2001), pp. 7–26; Grown et al., 'Growth, Trade, Finance, and Gender Inequality'; Thanh-Dam Truong, 'The Underbelly of the Tiger: Gender and the Demystification of the Asian Miracle', Review of International Political Economy, Vol. 6, No. 2 (1999), pp. 133–65; Robert O'Brien, Anne Marie Goetz, Jan Aart Scholte & Marc Williams, Contesting Global Governance: Multilateral Economic Institutions and Global Social Movements (Cambridge University Press, 2000); Ajit Singh & Ann Zammit, 'International Capital Flows: Identifying the Gender Dimension', World Development, Vol. 28, No. 7 (2000), pp. 1249–68; Mario Floro & Gary Dymski, 'Financial Crisis, Gender, and Power: An Analytical Framework', World Development, Vol. 28, No. 7 (2000), pp. 1269–83; and Irene Van Staveren, 'Global Finance and Gender', in: Jan Aart Scholte & Albrecht Schnabel (eds), Civil Society and Global Finance (Routledge, 2002), pp. 228–46. 35. Women are the primary consumers of goods and services designed to 'improve' individual appearance: from cosmetics, hairstyles and clothes to dieting programmes and surgical procedures. This reflects the tremendous pressure on girls and women to appear aesthetically and sexually attractive as a measure of their social/economic value, and subjects them disproportionately to the disciplining effects of marketisation and resource depletion on 'unnecessary' expenditures. 36. For example, consumerism's commodification of culture has effects worldwide on how people think (due to the global, though always locally-mediated, exposure to advertising and marketing messages), what resources they have (due to naturalising the ideology of elite consumption), and what work they do (due to production processes driven by Northern consumption).

Kazi Md Mukitul Islam, M. Niaz Asadullah

Using government secondary school English language textbooks from Malaysia, Indonesia, Pakistan and Bangladesh, we conducted a quantitative content analysis in order to identify gender stereotypes in school education. In total, 21 categories of exclusion and quality of representation were used to study gender stereotypes. Our analysis confirms a pro-male bias in textbooks: the aggregate female share is 40.4% in textual and pictorial indicators combined. Female occupations are mostly traditional and less prestigious while the characters are predominantly introverted and passive in terms of personality traits. Women are also shown to be mostly involved in domestic and in-door activities while men have a higher presence in professional roles. Systematic underrepresentation of females is evident regardless of whether we look at the text or pictures. A cross-country analysis shows that the female share in picture content is only 35.2% in Malaysia and Bangladesh. Overall, the proportion of female to male characters (text and pictures combined) is balanced in Malaysia and Indonesia (44.4% and 44.1% respectively) while this share is only 24.4% and 37.3% in Pakistani and Bangladeshi textbooks respectively. The finding of underrepresentation of women in Pakistani textbooks, in terms of quality and quantity, is robust to the selection of province-, grade- and subject-specific textbooks, as well as the range and type of categories used.